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The Dangote Lamu refinery, an economic power shift, a rattled Mt Kenya powerhouse

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By Anderson Ojwang

The much-talked-about, celebrated and hyped Mt Kenya economic powerhouse could soon be neutralised, with new economic tigers emerging to claim stake in the national Gross Domestic Product (GDP).

The unanticipated emergence of new economic players in the country will alter the current economic order and has not only rattled the Mt Kenya financial kings and queens but opened a new economic power game in Kenya.

The assumptions that Mt Kenya controlled the country’s economy and GDP could soon be folklore stories told of once upon a time, as new economic tigers prepare to claw their way into the heart of the country’s economic conversation.

For President William Ruto, deliberate economic and development initiatives in areas that were previously marginalised will thrust him into the annals of Kenya’s history of how he rewrote the country’s economic chapter.

Similarly, through the Sh2.2 trillion Lamu Oil Refinery, President Ruto will now be in pole position to challenge the Kenyatta family’s and Mt Kenya’s stranglehold on the country’s economic order.

This could explain why the former close ally of Ruto and the Kiharu MP Ndindi Nyoro, among other leaders from the region, led the onslaught against the project.

Ndindi recently called for the disclosure of shareholders in the proposed Dangote-linked refinery in Lamu, saying Kenyans should know who owns the project if it proceeds.

In a recent post, Ndindi wrote, “This post is for archives. It will be useful soon when the dust settles.

Anyone who knows this Government knows one thing, every popular project and programme is usually the most vulnerable to patronage.

They always know you can always get away with anything and attack those who ask credible questions as ‘wale hawataki tujenge this or that’.”**

Ndindi questioned the shareholders in the Dangote Lamu Oil Refinery and wanted all details to be made public.

**“We are all in support of Foreign Direct Investments and especially from our African investors like Dangote. The questions and responsibilities is on the Government of Kenya who must not blubber but just make everything public.

How much land are we ceding to Dangote refinery? Is the value being converted to Equity or shareholding? What is the value?

How much has Kenya committed to invest directly into Dangote East Africa Refinery? Is there premium in the amount?”** he quipped.

But Ruto dismissed Ndindi and his allies as those who have for a long time frustrated international investors, he said.

Olkalou MP Sammy Kamau asked, “What is this that is so urgent about having a refinery in Lamu that it can’t wait for things to be done the right way?”

But Ruto said brokers and the past regime had negated and undermined investments in the country.

“Ruto you cannot ‘con’ us all the time. Because of your ‘conmanship’ and demand for share. The share brokers have no place here. They told us they want shares, whose gets what share? This con game is why Kenya lost investors,” he said.

Ruto said Dangote had proposed to construct a cement factory in Kenya but was frustrated by the previous regime.

“Dangote was to construct cement factory in Kenya and could not do so because of the share demand from some quarters and bureaucracy. He had to relocate somewhere else,” he said.

He said the Ugandan Government was also to construct a pipeline from Uganda to Mombasa but was also frustrated by the past regime.

“Uganda Government was to build pipeline for crude oil through Mombasa. But share brokers played similar game with Uganda and it was subsequently taken to Tanzania,” he said.

Ruto said he would not allow the previous game, which was played by the previous regime, to undermine investors.

**“They now think they can play the con game on Dangote. I am telling them, my eyes are open and I am watching your game.

You cannot succeed here. For several years disturbed our country for years,”** he said.

Ruto said when he took over as President in 2022, foreign direct investment into the country was 1.6 billion dollars and, four years into his regime, in 2025, it moved to 3.1 billion dollars and this year it would shoot up and, because of the Dangote investment, it would be between 6–7 billion dollars in investment.

The Lamu Refinery is likely to trigger an economic moment in the oil-rich region of Turkana, Nyanza and other regions.

A milestone

ODM party leader Dr Oburu Oginga said the investment was a milestone to the country’s economic growth.

“While the path to this groundbreaking was deliberately frustrated by the bureaucratic sabotage, petty roadblocks, and shortsighted hurdles erected by the past regime, true vision cannot be suppressed,” he said.

Oburu appreciated President Ruto for recognising the transformative potential of the project, intervening decisively and providing the necessary State goodwill to turn the cross-generational vision into reality.

“By removing the historical hurdles, the administration has shown that national development and the economic welfare of our people must always transcend past political animosities,” he said.

Oburu said the refinery was a step towards breaking the chains of economic dependency.

Blocks

Energy and Petroleum Regulatory Authority (EPRA), in its latest report, says Kenya currently has four sedimentary basins covering an estimated 485,000 square kilometres, with the Lamu Basin accounting for the largest area at 261,000 square kilometres.

The other basins are the Tertiary Rift, covering about 100,000 square kilometres, the Anza Basin at 81,000 square kilometres, and the Mandera Basin at 43,000 square kilometres.

The Tertiary Rift is currently the country’s most advanced petroleum province and includes the South Lokichar sub-basin, where significant oil discoveries have been made in Turkana County, according to EPRA.

EPRA reported that 95 exploration wells have been drilled across Kenya’s sedimentary basins, with exploration activity providing data on the country’s petroleum potential.

The country has 50 petroleum exploration blocks, with 29 located in the Lamu Basin, 12 in the Tertiary Rift, six in the Anza Basin and three in the Mandera Basin.

EPRA said the Government was preparing data packages for a new licensing round covering open blocks, potentially creating room for further exploration in areas that have not yet reached commercial development.

For South Lokichar, however, Kenya has moved beyond exploration, with the Field Development Plan for Blocks T6 and T7 covering the Ngamia, Amosing, Twiga and Ekales fields approved in November 2025 and subsequently ratified by Parliament in February 2026.

The development is expected to start with production of 20,000 barrels of crude oil per day from the Ngamia and Amosing fields, before a second phase raises output to a targeted 50,000 barrels per day as production expands to additional fields in South Lokichar.

No Turning Back — Kenya Must Build Its Way to Prosperity

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By Kepher Otieno

Once again, President William Ruto is launching a mega multibillion oil refinery investment project that will transform the economic fortunes in this country, create thousands of jobs and accelerate industrial revolution and growth. Excellent. Carry on, Sir.

There comes a moment when national ambition must become action.

Kenya has talked about industrialisation for decades. We have produced policies, blueprints, conferences and promises about becoming a manufacturing and export powerhouse.

But nations do not industrialise by talking.

They build.

That is why the proposed $16 billion Dangote oil refinery in Lamu, with a planned capacity of 700,000 barrels of crude oil per day, deserves serious national attention.

The sheer truth is that a country that is afraid to build will eventually become a country that is afraid to grow.

That is why President Ruto’s determination to keep Kenya’s major capital projects moving deserves recognition and support.

The message from State House and His Excellency is increasingly clear: Kenya will not surrender its development ambitions every time a big project attracts criticism.

The proposed $16 billion Dangote oil refinery in Lamu is the latest test of that resolve.

At 700,000 barrels per day, the proposed refinery would be an industrial undertaking of extraordinary scale.

It is good to hear that the refinery project is projected to create more than 50,000 jobs and stimulate related industries, including petrochemicals and bitumen, while helping reduce East Africa’s dependence on imported petroleum.

That is not a small investment to be casually dismissed by critics or doom-mongers.

It is precisely the kind of capital formation Kenya needs if it is serious about moving from an economy that primarily consumes and trades to one that produces, processes and exports.

The debate, therefore, should not be whether Kenya should pursue big projects.

It should be whether individual projects make economic sense—and, where they do, how quickly the country can get them built.

There is an important distinction.

Scrutiny is healthy. Paralysis is expensive.

Every serious project should face proper environmental, legal, financial and technical examination. That’s all right.

Investors should be transparent.

Communities should be heard. Public interests must be protected.

But after those tests have been met, Kenya must have the courage to proceed.

The cost of doing nothing is rarely included in the political debate.

When a refinery is not built, Kenya continues importing refined petroleum at hefty costs.

When a road is not expanded, businesses continue paying for congestion.

When a railway is delayed, logistics remain expensive.

When irrigation infrastructure is postponed, farmers remain exposed to the vagaries of rainfall.

Infrastructure is therefore not simply an expenditure item. It is productive capacity.

A road can lower the cost of moving goods. A railway can open markets like the ongoing Standard Gauge Railway, expected to transform the domestic economy of regions it traverses. Very good.

A port like the ongoing development at Kisumu Port can and will, no doubt, expand regional trade.

Reliable electricity can make factories viable. Irrigation can turn idle land into productive farmland.

An industrial plant can create an entire value chain of suppliers, workers, transporters, financiers and service providers.

That is the cost-benefit analysis Kenya must undertake as President Ruto launches the Lamu oil refinery project.

And the Government’s own infrastructure policy recognises that discipline.

The National Treasury CS John Mbadi says public investment and PPP projects are subject to investment-management processes intended to improve transparency, accountability and prudent use of resources. He also says projects should be assessed for their social and economic returns. Mbadi is right.

This is important because Kenya’s infrastructure ambition is enormous.

The Government has proposed a KSh5 trillion, 10-year National Infrastructure Fund programme designed to mobilise long-term capital for roads, energy, water, irrigation and other strategic investments.

President Ruto has also reported more than $2.9 billion in investment deals involving 20 investors, spanning agriculture, manufacturing, ICT, healthcare, energy and real estate, with an expected 63,000 jobs.

So what do Kenyans want? Political rhetoric without substantial economic benefits or politics for expediency? No. Let’s support what’s good for us as a nation.

This is the economic logic Kenya should embrace: public policy should create the conditions for private capital to build productive assets.

And there is another reason to support continuity Ruto is advancing for the common good with his bureaucrats.

The road started by one administration can be completed by another. A port can serve generations.

A railway can outlive political parties. A refinery can anchor an industrial ecosystem long after today’s political arguments have disappeared from the headlines.

That is why the temptation to stop every major project because someone raises a political objection must be resisted.

Critics have a legitimate role. They should interrogate financing, ownership, environmental safeguards, procurement, expected returns and national benefit. Their questions can improve projects.

But criticism cannot become a national development strategy.

Kenya has spent too many decades talking about industrialisation.

The country now needs to build the infrastructure that makes industrialisation possible.

President Ruto’s investment drive should therefore be judged not by whether every Kenyan agrees with every project, but by whether the projects deliver measurable economic value, create productive capacity and expand opportunity.

Where the numbers work, where the safeguards are in place and where the national interest is protected, Kenya should move forward with confidence.

No apologies for ambition. No fear of big capital. No retreat because of pockets of criticism. So I support the President’s decree that he won’t look back. Forward ever. God bless.

Build the roads. Expand the energy system. Modernise the ports. Develop the railways. Irrigate the farms. Attract the factories. And build the refinery.

Because Kenya cannot create a first-class economy by endlessly debating whether it is ready to build one. We must move forward, grow and develop. Aliko Dangote oil refinery project must therefore be given a chance to take off for the common good of Kenyans.

The writer is a senior journalist, consultant and a regular advocate for democracy and good governance in Africa. kepher43@gmail.com

TURKANA OIL FIELDS AND LAMU OIL REFINERY: IS KENYA POISED TO ENTER THE OIL-PRODUCING NATIONS’ LEAGUE AND BECOME AN INDUSTRIALISED COUNTRY?

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By Alfred Gogi, PhD student, Project Planning and Management

Kenya may be approaching one of the most consequential economic transitions in its modern history. The development of the Turkana oil fields in Lokichar and the planned East Africa Oil Refinery in Lamu could move the country from being predominantly an importer of refined petroleum products to becoming an oil-producing nation, refining and potentially petrochemical-processing economy. Whether this transformation will actually make Kenya an industrialised, high-income country will depend less on the existence of oil and more on how effectively the country converts petroleum wealth into infrastructure, manufacturing, human capital, innovation, technology and productive investment.

The timing is significant. Kenya is currently on course to commence commercial crude oil production from the South Lokichar Basin in Turkana County by December 2026, with first crude oil exports expected through the Port of Mombasa in the first quarter of 2027. The Government’s Petroleum Department indicates that the first phase targets approximately 20,000 barrels per day, rising to 50,000 barrels per day from 2032 following further infrastructure development at the site.

At the other end of the country, Lamu is emerging as a potential downstream petroleum and industrial hub. The proposed Dangote refinery, scheduled for groundbreaking on September 30, 2026, is planned with a headline capacity of 700,000 barrels of crude oil per day and an estimated investment of about $15 billion. The scale of the proposed facility means that its significance extends well beyond petroleum refining.

From oil discovery to an industrial economy

The greatest opportunity for Kenya is not simply to extract crude oil and export it. The real economic transformation would come from establishing an integrated petroleum-industrial value chain.

Turkana oil provides the upstream resource, while Lamu refinery and port can potentially provide the downstream processing, logistics and industrial platform. The combination could stimulate demand for engineering, transportation, construction, equipment maintenance, financial services, information technology, security, accommodation, catering and professional services.

The Lamu refinery could also provide the foundation for petrochemical industries producing products such as plastics, polymers, synthetic fibres, industrial chemicals and other petroleum derivatives. Recent reporting on the project has identified potential clusters around petrochemicals, manufacturing, logistics, warehousing, agro-processing, fertiliser industries and maritime services.

This is where petroleum could become an instrument of industrialisation rather than merely an export commodity. Instead of Kenya exporting crude and importing finished products, a greater proportion of the value chain could potentially be located domestically to create employment opportunities.

Employment and the Kenyan workforce

Employment could be another major benefit. The Turkana oil fields development alone is expected to generate thousands of direct, indirect and induced employment opportunities. Government estimates cited in 2026 documents indicate that the project could generate more than 3,000 jobs during development and production stages.

The Lamu refinery would operate on an entirely different scale. Government officials have cited estimates ranging from 50,000 to 60,000 jobs, particularly during construction and associated economic activities. These figures should be understood as projections rather than guaranteed permanent jobs.

The more important employment effect could, however, occur outside the refinery itself. Thousands of Kenyan enterprises could participate as suppliers of transport, food, accommodation, engineering, construction materials, security, machinery, maintenance, ICT and professional services. The Kenyan higher education sector should also start rolling out programmes that are petroleum mining and refining-based to cater for the huge labour opportunities that are already knocking at our doorstep.

Kenya should therefore establish deliberate local-content programmes to ensure that petroleum expenditure translates into Kenyan businesses, skills and technological capabilities rather than becoming predominantly an import-driven industry.

Infrastructure transformation

Large petroleum investments require roads, pipelines, ports, electricity, water, telecommunications, storage facilities and industrial parks. These investments can therefore create infrastructure that serves the wider economy. It is also good to note that modern industries are technology-based and make extensive use of ICT, such as programmable logic controllers and industrial automation.

Turkana’s petroleum development is already associated with infrastructure requirements, including water systems and transportation facilities. The proposed Lokichar-related infrastructure has also historically been linked to the wider LAPSSET Corridor connecting Turkana with the Kenyan coast.

Lamu is particularly strategically positioned because the refinery would be integrated with the Lamu Port and LAPSSET Corridor. This creates the possibility of an industrial triangle involving oil production in Turkana, transportation corridors across northern Kenya, and refining and export infrastructure at Lamu. Other major towns in this corridor will also develop into cities.

Such connectivity could make northern Kenya increasingly attractive for manufacturing, logistics and regional trade. Investors in Kenya already identify transport, energy, ports, economic zones and industrial parks as key components of Kenya’s industrialisation infrastructure that could sprout up due to these two large projects.

Attracting international investment

A successful Turkana-Lamu petroleum corridor could also change international perceptions of Kenya’s investment potential. A large refinery requires suppliers, financiers, engineering companies, technology providers, logistics operators and manufacturers. Once these companies establish operations around Lamu, they may attract additional investors seeking access to East African markets. Kenya could therefore develop Lamu as a petroleum and petrochemical manufacturing hub serving East and Central Africa rather than merely a domestic fuel-processing centre.

The proposed refinery is already being positioned to serve markets beyond Kenya, including Uganda, Tanzania, Rwanda, Burundi, South Sudan, Ethiopia and the Democratic Republic of Congo. If supported by efficient customs systems, reliable electricity, competitive taxation, skilled labour and good transport infrastructure, Lamu could potentially become an important regional industrial and logistics hub.

Government revenue and economic transformation

Oil production can generate Government revenue through royalties, taxes and the State’s participation in petroleum projects. Kenya’s petroleum framework also provides mechanisms for sharing petroleum revenues between the national Government, counties and local communities.

This creates an important opportunity for Turkana County to develop through oil revenues. Oil revenues should translate into better schools, hospitals, water systems, roads, skills development and enterprise opportunities for local communities, including the development of universities and other tertiary institutions.

The national Government could similarly channel petroleum revenues into productive infrastructure, research and development, technical education and manufacturing rather than primarily financing recurrent expenditures.

Kenya’s current economic base makes this particularly important. The 2026 Economic Survey reports that real GDP grew by 4.6 per cent in 2025, while construction grew by 6.8 per cent and mining and quarrying by 14.9 per cent. Petroleum could add another growth engine, but its greatest contribution would come if it stimulates productivity across the wider economy.

Why fingers could be pointing at Uhuru as one of the key architects of Linda Mwananchi fallout

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By Anderson Ojwang

Linda Mwananchi could have found itself in the wider political scheme, chase game and unknowingly walked into the political trap of immediate former President Uhuru Kenyatta.

The group, which was fast redefining the opposition and national politics but was least prepared for emerging political schemes and manipulations by other players, found itself infiltrated by Uhuru’s, the Government agents, and also the self-seekers.

The unity that was first witnessed in the group has since disappeared and been replaced with tension and suspicion.

A section of the broad-based Government, including President William Ruto, have accused Uhuru of being the sponsor of the Linda Mwananchi political activities in the country.

Sources at Linda Mwananchi intimated to the writer that Uhuru’s decision to work with one of the principals could have been one of the reasons for the fallout in the group.

Building the plot

Former President Uhuru’s key ally, Ms Pauline Njoroge, resigned from her post as Deputy Organising Secretary of Jubilee Party, and a member of the National Executive Committee (NEC) after 14 years.

Njoroge, in her statement then, said the move was meant to start a new political journey and joined the amorphous group.

Njoroge joined Uhuru’s The National Alliance Party (TNA) in 2012 as Communications Manager and has remained instrumental in the former President’s political agenda.

While Njoroge resigned from Jubilee Party, Uhuru was propping his former Internal Cabinet Secretary, Dr Fred Matiang’i, to take over the party and to be the presidential candidate.

Why would Uhuru let go of Njoroge to Linda Mwananchi, an amorphous group?

This question was loosely and tactfully answered by Health Cabinet Secretary Aden Duale in his recent rebuttal of Uhuru over his claims that he believed Raila won the 2022 presidential election.

Duale claimed Uhuru was using Raila to plant his brother as a prime minister in the new regime.

“Finally Uhuru Kenyatta, you didn’t want Raila. You brought BBI, the illegal constitutional amendment to create a powerful prime minister for your brother George Muhoho to become a prime minister and undermine Baba in the event Baba won,” he said.

In the Linda Mwananchi group, Njoroge has become more aligned with the former Orange Democratic Movement Secretary-General and the Nairobi Senator Edwin Sifuna. Sifuna has enjoyed a drastic rise in political profile to become a presidential candidate and could be a threat to the Mt Kenya presidential political plot.

It is not lost on observers that during the late Raila Amolo Odinga’s campaign for the African Union Commission Chairman’s seat, he appointed Njoroge, a key Uhuru ally, to the campaign team.

The faultline in the game plan

In her recent post, Njoroge gave her proposal for the opposition coalition leadership and may, through omission and commission, have ignored Siaya Governor James Orengo and Embakasi East MP Babu Owino, key founders of the group.

From her post, the Luo community, a principal player in the opposition, was relegated to the periphery.

She wrote, “Today, I want to share a personal view that I have been reflecting on for the past few weeks, regarding the structure of the emerging opposition coalition.

On that basis, I believe the principal-level leadership of the emerging coalition should comprise EDWIN SIFUNA, RIGATHI GACHAGUA, KALONZO MUSYOKA AND FRED MATIANG’I. Each commands a significant political constituency and brings to the table the electoral weight necessary to shape a viable national coalition,”

Njoroge wrote, “As the opposition builds a broad and inclusive coalition around the WANTAM movement, it must design a framework that encourages more political parties to join without creating a structure so heavy, that it complicates decision-making and weakens political agility,”.

She wrote that the coalition’s top decision-making organ must remain lean, strategic and capable of responding quickly to political developments. Its membership should be based not merely on ownership of a political party, but on demonstrable national influence and a solid regional support base.

“Therefore, the opposition does not need an endless table of principals. It needs an inclusive coalition supported by a lean, credible and effective centre of leadership,” she wrote.

Uhuru whipping the emotions

While in office, Uhuru said he knew the person he would hand over the mantle to in a peaceful transition and, indeed, he handed it to his deputy William Ruto in a peaceful ceremony at Kasarani International Stadium.

Recently, Uhuru returned with claims that he believed Raila won the 2022 presidential election.

“Raila won the election. I am convinced he won the presidential elections. I know that, we know, those who want to know, know the truth, you,” he said.

Uhuru said Azimio La Umoja won the majority of MPs, Senators and governors’ seats against President Ruto’s Kenya Kwanza.

“We had more MPs than the coalition. We had more senators and governors than the other coalition. How did we lose this? We know how it went and we do not want to go that route again.”

“Some people say we didn’t win. I believe Raila won the elections. They said they defeated me. Was it not Raila on the ballot? Uhuru was not on the ballot. Why are you dividing the country through the politics of division?” he said.

Old wounds

ODM leader Oburu Oginga, in a statement on Thursday, September 24, Oburu said the remarks confirmed what ODM had believed and maintained at the time, although the party eventually accepted the outcome after pursuing the available constitutional avenues.

“For ODM, this confirms what we believed and maintained at the time. However, after exhausting the constitutional avenues available to us, we chose to let the matter rest and move the country forward,” the statement read.

Oburu, however, questioned the role played by Uhuru and his administration in the transfer of power to President William Ruto, whom Uhuru says lost the election.

“We did so even as President Kenyatta and those around him looked the other way and handed the instruments of power over to William Ruto, whom the former President now says had lost the election,” the statement added.

Oburu said ODM had made significant political sacrifices during its relationship with Uhuru, particularly after the 2018 Handshake between Uhuru and Raila.

“We made those compromises in good faith. Now that President Kenyatta has chosen to exhume the deeply painful question of the 2022 election, he owes Kenyans some answers,” the statement further read.

Playing blindfold

Uhuru could be playing the blindfold to Linda Mwananchi as he plots the political future of Mt Kenya. So, for Orengo, Sifuna and Babu, they could have walked into Uhuru’s cooking pot and may find themselves in Raila’s 2022 footsteps.

Wavinya questioned over Sh96M car and mortgage fund deposit by Machakos County Government to a bank

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By Reporter

The Senate Committee on County Public Investments and Special Funds has questioned Machakos County over Sh96 million held by SBM Bank as security for employee car and mortgage loans while earning no interest.

The Committee, chaired during the sitting by Vice-Chairperson Sen. Beth Syengo, met Governor Wavinya Ndeti and her Executive to review Machakos County’s implementation of House resolutions arising from an earlier Committee report on issues raised by the Auditor-General on the County Car and Mortgage Scheme and management of municipalities.

Auditors found that the KSh96 million has been held by the bank since 2019, while only KSh55.3 million has been disbursed to six beneficiaries. The arrangement attracted scrutiny because borrowers also provide personal securities such as title deeds and logbooks.

“We cannot have KSh96 million in public funds sitting in an account without earning interest while beneficiaries are also required to provide their own security. The county must review this arrangement and demonstrate that it gives value to the public,” said Sen. Syengo.

Governor Ndeti defended the arrangement, saying the money was not idle but served as collateral enabling the bank to lend its own funds. She said the county was already engaging SBM Bank to renegotiate the terms.

“The KSh96 million is security for the scheme, not money that has simply been left unused. However, we accept the concerns raised and are engaging the bank so that the arrangement can be reviewed and improved,” said Governor Ndeti.

Machakos Senator Agnes Kavindu urged the county to ensure the scheme benefits a wider pool of employees rather than remaining accessible to a limited number of beneficiaries.

“County resources must serve employees fairly. If this scheme is sustainable, then its structure should allow more eligible staff to benefit while protecting public funds,” said Sen. Kavindu.

Sen. William Kisang challenged the county to support its assurances with documentation.

“Verbal commitments are not enough for audit purposes. We need the revised agreement, evidence of negotiations and a clear record showing how the county intends to safeguard this money,” said Sen. Kisang.

The Committee also raised concerns over incomplete municipal asset registers, revenue-account compliance and failure to meet ethnic diversity and disability representation requirements.

The county was directed to renegotiate the SBM agreement, submit a revised draft and loan book, complete asset valuation and ensure future municipal recruitment complies with diversity requirements.

Former Wajir Women Rep Ali vetted for Parliamentary Service Commission post

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By Reporter

Former Wajir Women Representative Fatuma Ibrahim Ali was on Monday, 28th September 2026, vetted by the Senate Standing Committee on Justice, Legal Affairs and Human Rights for the Parliamentary Service Commission.

The Committee held an approval hearing for Ali, the nominee for appointment as female non-Member Commissioner of the Parliamentary Service Commission.

The session, chaired by Bomet Senator Hilary Sigei, examined the nominee’s academic record, professional experience and integrity, as required under the Public Appointments (Parliamentary Approval) Act. Her nomination was conveyed to the Senate on 15th September and referred to the Committee, which must table its report by Tuesday, 29th September.

A former member of the East Africa Legislative Assembly (EALA), Ms Ali also served as a Commissioner at the Kenya National Commission on Human Rights, where she oversaw finance and human resources.

“I bring cross-institutional experience across Parliament, the constitutional commissions and civil society. As a former Member of Parliament, I understand the needs of parliamentarians, and I am committed to improving how the Parliamentary Service Commission serves its members and staff,” she told the Committee.

The nominee said her work at the human rights commission gave her hands-on experience in recruitment, promotion and staff welfare, which she pledged to bring to the Commission.

She explained that her time in the National Assembly, where she sat on the Justice and Legal Affairs Committee, deepened her grasp of how Parliament operates.

The Committee tested the nominee against the constitutional requirements for the office, including citizenship, at least ten years’ experience in public affairs, and the leadership and integrity standards under Chapter Six of the Constitution.

The Committee is expected to consider its report on the vetting on Tuesday, 29th September, before tabling it in the Senate for debate and a final determination.

House resumes for the final session with budget and electoral reforms top of the menu

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By Reporter

The National Assembly resumed and entered the third and final part of the Fifth Session of the 13th Parliament with a plateful of activities in store ahead of the 2027 General Election.

In this session, the House is expected to preside over the budget and electoral reforms, which will take centre stage during the final part of the Fifth Session.

Speaker (Dr.) Moses M. Wetang’ula welcomed the members back for the third and final part of the Fifth Session, saying the limited time available required the House and its Committees to accelerate consideration of pending legislative business.

“In view of the limited period remaining before the conclusion of the session, it is imperative for the House and its committees to prioritise pending legislative and oversight business to ensure its expeditious conclusion,” the Speaker said.

Wetang’ula said the House would undertake consideration of the Budget Policy Statement (BPS) and the related fiscal framework for the next financial year, with the objective of completing the budget cycle before the election period.

“The House will be required to undertake this process with efficiency and diligence, with a view to concluding consideration of all budget-related matters by the end of March 2027,” he said.

The accelerated timetable is intended to allow Parliament to complete consideration of the Budget Estimates, Appropriation Bill and Finance Bill before the August 2027 elections.

The National Assembly’s Liaison Committee, during its recent retreat, pointed out the need for Parliament to conclude the budget process early. MPs are expected to resume sittings in late January 2027, earlier than usual, to provide sufficient time for scrutiny and approval of the budget legislation.

The tight schedule follows the commencement of preparations for the 2027/28 budget cycle, with Treasury expected to table the BPS and other key budget documents before Parliament for consideration. The process is designed to culminate in the passage of the Finance and Appropriation Bills by 31 March 2027.

Electoral reforms will form part of the House’s agenda as Parliament prepares for the 2027 polls.

The Speaker told Members that he had referred proposals submitted by the Independent Electoral and Boundaries Commission (IEBC) to the Departmental Committee on Justice and Legal Affairs for consideration.

The Committee is expected to scrutinise the proposals and recommend appropriate amendments for incorporation into the Elections (Amendment) (No. 2) Bill, 2024 (Senate Bill No. 29 of 2024).

Why former Rangwe MP Ogindo believes democracy in Luo Nyanza region is under threat

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By Habil Onyango

A segment of ODM elected leaders has taken a hardline stance on “zoning” as a key pre-election negotiation point ahead of the upcoming general elections under the Broad-Based Government arrangement.

Led by the party’s National Chairperson Gladys Wanga, they argued that in order to support William Ruto’s re-election, UDA should not field any of their candidates in regions currently controlled by ODM.

The proposed zoning aims to prevent “friendly fire” between ODM and UDA candidates in ODM’s traditional bases, ensuring the party maintains its influence, especially in the Luo Nyanza region.

Furthermore, the party is pushing for a clear zoning strategy that defends its traditional strongholds and secures independent regional control.

Wanga emphasised that any coalition agreement with UDA must include a transparent zoning formula that guarantees ODM a fair and respectable number of seats in regions where it has strong support.

“ODM will not be a “junior affiliate” to UDA and we expect a 50-50 power-sharing structure where ODM controls its traditional strongholds,” she insisted.

However, according to former Rangwe Constituency Member of Parliament Martin Ogindo, the proposal is merely meant to undermine democracy in the Luo Nyanza counties.

Ogindo argues that those championing the zoning arrangements have failed to serve those who elected them and fear competition from UDA, which continues to make inroads in the region.

“The democracy we fought for was to give every Kenyan the right to elect leaders of their choice, not to impose leaders on them,” said Ogindo.

“The call for zoning, especially in ODM’s strongholds, is aimed at killing the democracy Kenyans fought for and at forcing voters to accept non-performing ODM leaders,” he added.

According to the former ODM legislator who has defected to UDA, ODM should focus on popularising their party and stop relying solely on the late Prime Minister Raila Odinga’s popularity, as he is no longer with them.

He stated that democracy was meant to enable people’s will to be realised through voting for development-oriented leaders, rather than making decisions on their behalf.

Ogindo also accused some leaders within ODM of forming an oligarchy, where after acquiring wealth, they feel entitled to make decisions for others. He emphasised that people should be allowed to exercise their democratic rights and elect leaders of their own choice without interference.

Ogindo, who vied for the Homa Bay Parliamentary seat on the Green Congress of Kenya ticket in 2022 against Opondo Kaluma, currently serves as the Chairperson of the Fish Marketing Authority.

The former legislator warned that President Ruto might suffer voter apathy if the zoning arrangement is implemented, as many might see no need to participate in the scheduled August 10, 2027, general elections.

“The President needs our votes for his second term, and by forcing voters to support failed ODM leaders, many will actually abstain from participating in the elections since they will feel betrayed and see no reason to vote,” he said.

The call for a 50-50 power-sharing arrangement

ODM top leadership, led by party leader Oburu Oginga, Deputy Party Leader Simba Arati, Secretary-General Catherine Omanyo, and Wanga, among others, has demanded a 50-50 power-sharing arrangement with UDA to support President Ruto’s second-term bid.

They stated that the party will not accept a junior role in any pre-election coalition.

ODM insists on a 50 per cent split of government positions, portfolios, and influence under any formal framework with UDA.

Furthermore, they are demanding that positions be divided on a 50-50 basis in the agreement, including the Deputy President position if Ruto vies for the Presidency.

The party leaders have proposed potential running mates from within the party, such as Oburu, Wycliffe Oparanya, Hassan Joho, and Wanga.

However, according to Ogindo, the demand is placing an unfair burden on the President.

The former MP explained that immediately after being sworn in, the President personally reached out to the Luo community after attending a church service in Homa Bay—an event boycotted by all elected ODM leaders from Homa Bay—but he did not seek out the Luo leaders.

“The President expressed his willingness to work with the Luo community, openly telling them that despite the competition with Raila in 2022, he was willing to accommodate them,” he said.

“The demand for a 50-50 power-sharing arrangement is not practical; it is an attempt to overburden the President with responsibilities that are not his,” he added.

Ogindo also criticised the four Luo Nyanza governors for doing little to improve development and uplift the lives of residents.

He compared this to other counties in the Central region, which he said have effectively utilised devolved funds.

“ODM has been active in the Nyanza region for the last 20 years, but little development has been visible since the promulgation of the new Constitution that introduced devolution, largely due to leadership issues,” he said.

“Searching for development projects initiated after devolution, such as in Homa Bay, is like “searching for a needle in a haystack”; there is little to show for it,” he added.

“The former Prime Minister emphasised that people should vote for the party, not merely based on qualifications or ability to deliver development. However, it is now time to let the people vote for individuals, not just the party,” he said.

“ODM is losing influence across the country; instead of focusing on development discussions, they are merely engaging in political rallies,” he claimed.

Ogindo also criticised Nyanza leaders for failing to present development projects they wish to implement, especially during presidential visits.

“When the President calls for a meeting, leaders fail to present their development priorities. After each meeting, they revert to politicking, fighting for government positions, and attacking other leaders,” he explained.

“When I served as an MP, I chaired the Assembly Budget Committee and ensured all elected leaders were engaged through meetings highlighting their priorities, which were included in the budget,” he recalled.

“Today, we see projects like Kabunde Airstrip, Mbita Rusinga Bridge, Tom Mboya University, and tarmac roads, which were proposed during our meetings and have started taking shape,” he noted.

“Since the President left the region, no meetings have been called by governors or other leaders to discuss achievements from his visit; instead, they focus solely on political rallies,” he condemned.

However, Uriri Constituency ODM Chairman Evance Ogutu responded to Ogindo, stating that he has no authority to speak on behalf of the party.

Ogutu affirmed that Raila left the party in strong and united hands with proper structures.

He acknowledged that every political party, including UDA, faces challenges, but they have their own structures to address them.

“Ogindo has no authority to speak for our party; we have officials who are authorised to handle our matters and call meetings. He is no longer a member,” he concluded.

Housing Schemes Must Remain Social — Retire Affordable & Market Rate Housing

By
Western Insight Newsroom
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By Billy Mijungu

There have been arguments and counter-narratives about whether a new Government should scrap or fundamentally change the current housing approach. That would be very bad news. We may need to retire any misguided thinking that seeks to move away from uplifting and dignifying the struggling population.

There are questions such as, who does not have a house? But a shack is not a house. Square iron sheets dotting the slums are not houses, and neither are mud-made units adequate homes. We must strive to build for the bottom, the middle and the top, because there is much more to housing than simply putting up structures.

Government must therefore put significant effort into social housing while allowing the private sector to lead in affordable and market-rate housing. Government should not compete directly with private developers where the private sector can deliver. Such competition can crowd out private investment and weaken the housing ecosystem, including the industries and supply chains that support construction.

Social housing should also establish a National Rent-to-Own Social Housing Scheme across the country. Government can either construct basic, decent living facilities directly or partner with citizens and communities to build homes and living units. Those supported through such programmes can repay over time through a structured Repay for Built-Up Aid (RBUA) model, creating a revolving fund that can finance additional households.

Social housing is also a public-health intervention. It provides access to basic sanitation, drainage, water and waste-management systems. Everyone knows the problem of flying toilets in informal settlements. Decent housing can help address these conditions while improving the health and dignity of communities.

Social housing is equally about security. Properly planned settlements allow Government and security agencies to identify hotspots, establish clear entrances and exits, improve lighting and provide better emergency access, making communities safer.

But social housing is also about dignity, aspiration and the desire to do better. A decent home gives families a foundation from which they can improve their lives.

Yes, Government can do better.

We can also re-empower the payslip by gradually reducing the housing levy as the housing programme matures, lowering the percentage deducted from workers’ earnings point by point while building a revolving housing fund. As repayments from rent-to-own schemes return to the fund, the same resources can finance more homes and improve more livelihoods.

Housing should remain social where Government intervention is most needed, while affordable and market-rate housing should provide space for private investment, innovation and competition.

The dirt in Kenya’s presidential elections, why Raila remains Kenya’s hero

By
Western Insight Newsroom
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By Anderson Ojwang’

They say politics is dirty, but Kenya’s presidential elections are turning out to be dirtier, with dark secrets which have been kept highly secret beginning to emerge.

In what appears to be self-cannibalism of the once much-talked-about political bromance between the fourth President Uhuru Kenyatta and fifth President William Ruto, the fallout has brought into the open the dark secrets of the past presidential victories.

In the presidential election, one contestant has remained a constant and could be the worst victim of the alleged election, but he stood tall to avoid the country sliding into anarchy.

In life and death, former Prime Minister Raila Amolo Odinga remains Kenya’s hero of all seasons, an enigma to the country’s story and the political lamb, who sacrificed his alleged stolen ‘victories’ for the peace and tranquillity of the nation.

With only 15 days to his first victory, Raila’s spirit may finally come to rest following the revelation of the political class that his victories may have been snatched from him.

Raila quotes

“Kenya is bigger than any one of us.” Said after the disputed 2007 election violence, it showed Raila’s statesmanship and call for peace and reconciliation.

“You cannot rig the will of the people.” Repeated during the 2022 election campaigns, this became a bold declaration of his fight against electoral injustice.

“We shake hands not because we agree, but because we must move forward.” Said in 2018 after his historic handshake with President Uhuru Kenyatta, symbolising reconciliation and political maturity.

Letting the cat out of the bag

Recently, Uhuru said he believed Raila won the 2022 presidential election, a statement which in itself is weighty, going by the fact that he was then the President, the first consumer of the country’s intelligence reports.

“Raila won the election. I am convinced he won the presidential elections. I know that, we know, those who want to know, know the truth,” he said.

Uhuru said Azimio La Umoja won the majority of MPs, Senators and governors’ seats against President Ruto’s Kenya Kwanza.

“We had more MPs than the coalition. We had more senators and governors than the other coalition. How did we lose this? We know how it went and we do not want to go that route again,” he said.

But Uhuru dismissed Ruto’s claims that he defeated him in the last general election, saying he was not on the ballot.

“Some people say we didn’t win. I believe Raila won the elections. They said they defeated me. Was it not Raila on the ballot? Uhuru was not on the ballot. Why are you dividing the country through the politics of division?” he said.

We respected the Supreme Court

Uhuru said even if they did not agree with the Supreme Court ruling which upheld Ruto’s victory, he presided over a peaceful transfer of power.

“I will speak my truth. After the election and the Supreme Court gave verdict. We did not reject it and in a broad daylight we gave them instrument of power. There was no violence,” he said.

Uhuru wondered why Ruto and his allies kept on abusing and accusing him for their own failures.

“After four years, they keep on saying Uhuru this and that. Were you elected to talk about Uhuru? If it is not working, you must look for object to blame and that is Uhuru Kenyatta. Kenyans know so well.”

Duale’s rebuttal

Health Cabinet Secretary Aden Duale claimed Uhuru sent a team to coerce and force the Independent Electoral and Boundaries Commission chairman, the late Wafula Chebukati, to alter the results in favour of Raila.

“Recently I saw Uhuru pacing and jumping. Let me tell Uhuru, do not go that route. I want the media to hear this. Uhuru Kenyatta is the person who sent the National Security Advisory Council led by a man called Kihara to Bomas to go and change, and tell Chebukati to alter the will of the people of Kenya,” he said.

He claimed Uhuru tried to coerce and intimidate Chebukati but failed in his plot.

“I know Uhuru and I know you are watching me. Kihara was the deputy to Joseph Kinyua, then Head of Public Service in Uhuru’s administration, to go and coerce, intimidate the late Chebukati to alter the will of the people,” he said.

He claimed that Uhuru was the one behind the IEBC commissioners’ fallout.

“Uhuru Kenyatta, you are the one who used Cherera four to walk out of Bomas so that they alter the results,” he claimed.

Duale said Uhuru was using Raila to plant his brother as a prime minister in the new regime.

“Finally Uhuru Kenyatta, you didn’t want Raila. You brought BBI, the illegal constitutional amendment to create a powerful prime minister for your brother George Muhoho to become a prime minister and undermine Baba in the event Baba won,” he said.

Jubilee party maintains Uhuru’s stand

In a hard-hitting press statement, Jubilee Secretary-General Koitalel Ole Kenta wrote:

“Kenyans are neither blind nor naïve. They remember precisely what happened during the last general elections, and no amount of state-sponsored propaganda, political theatre or pulpit politics will rewrite that history. Kenyans know better.”

Kuria admission of rigging

Former Public Service Cabinet Secretary Moses Kuria wrote on his social media platforms:

“I have been involved in all Presidential Elections in Multi Party era. This is how I rate them, 1992- Moi manipulated but won because opposition was divided, 1997- Moi manipulated but won because opposition was divided, 2002- Kibaki won free and fair, 2007- Baba won, 2013- Baba won, 2017- Uhuru Kenyatta won. Maraga ruling was on technicalities, 2022- William Ruto won, Ni hayo tu kwa sasa”.

What the media reported

2017

In 2017, the Supreme Court nullified the election of Uhuru, but he won the repeat election after Raila boycotted the exercise.

Al Jazeera on 6th August 2017 wrote: “Opposition leader Raila Odinga has warned against rigging the result of the general election, just two days before Kenyans cast their votes.

In an interview with Al Jazeera, the former Kenyan prime minister said his party has put in place efforts to stop an alleged plot to tamper with results.

“There are attempts to manipulate the results,” Odinga said. “The only way Jubilee can win this election is by rigging.

“They have no other way. We are more than confident that we are going to get a decisive victory on Tuesday.”

The Star Newspaper in January 22nd 2019 wrote: “NASA leader Raila Odinga has noted he is not “power-hungry” but part of a team that will end electoral rigging in Africa.

Raila insisted that the Opposition and its supporters will not allow President Uhuru Kenyatta’s October 26 re-election to stand.

This, he said, is on grounds it sets a bad example for future generations.

“Raila Odinga is not power-hungry. I want to see democracy properly established in our country. Currently, we have autocracy where elections are just a ritual incumbents do after every five years,” he said in an interview with Al Jazeera.”

2013 election

Voice of America wrote: “Kenyan prime minister and presidential candidate Raila Odinga has accused government officials of using their influence to support his rivals. The prime minister’s campaign claimed there is a wider scheme to rig Kenya’s presidential election on March 4.

Speaking to reporters at a Nairobi airport Thursday, Odinga said the head of civil service, Francis Kimemia, has been working behind the scenes to support his political rivals in the Jubilee Coalition.

“That the current head of public service has basically become an activist of a political party,” said Odinga. “He is the one who is recruiting and funding the campaigns of the other side.”**

Odinga’s campaign team has accused Kimemia and other government officials of giving instructions to district officers to rally support for Jubilee, commit electoral fraud and to suppress voter turnout in Odinga strongholds.

Into the future

Now that the cat is out of the bag, the electoral body, state organs and Kenyans will be watching closely any incidence of rigging. The 2027 General Election may just be a replica of 2022.

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